For the first time in its 175 year history, Scientific American endorses a presidential candidate

By THE EDITORS | Scientific American

Scientific American has never endorsed a presidential candidate in its 175-year history. This year we are compelled to do so. We do not do this lightly.

The evidence and the science show that Donald Trump has badly damaged the U.S. and its people—because he rejects evidence and science. The most devastating example is his dishonest and inept response to the COVID-19 pandemic, which cost more than 190,000 Americans their lives by the middle of September. He has also attacked environmental protections, medical care, and the researchers and public science agencies that help this country prepare for its greatest challenges. That is why we urge you to vote for Joe Biden, who is offering fact-based plans to protect our health, our economy and the environment. These and other proposals he has put forth can set the country back on course for a safer, more prosperous and more equitable future.

The pandemic would strain any nation and system, but Trump’s rejection of evidence and public health measures have been catastrophic in the U.S. He was warned many times in January and February about the onrushing disease, yet he did not develop a national strategy to provide protective equipment, coronavirus testing or clear health guidelines. Testing people for the virus, and tracing those they may have infected, is how countries in Europe and Asia have gained control over their outbreaks, saved lives, and successfully reopened businesses and schools. But in the U.S., Trump claimed, falsely, that “anybody that wants a test can get a test.” That was untrue in March and remained untrue through the summer. Trump opposed $25 billion for increased testing and tracing that was in a pandemic relief bill as late as July. These lapses accelerated the spread of disease through the country—particularly in highly vulnerable communities that include people of color, where deaths climbed disproportionately to those in the rest of the population.

It wasn’t just a testing problem: if almost everyone in the U.S. wore masks in public, it could save about 66,000 lives by the beginning of December, according to projections from the University of Washington School of Medicine. Such a strategy would hurt no one. It would close no business. It would cost next to nothing. But Trump and his vice president flouted local mask rules, making it a point not to wear masks themselves in public appearances. Trump has openly supported people who ignored governors in Michigan and California and elsewhere as they tried to impose social distancing and restrict public activities to control the virus. He encouraged governors in Florida, Arizona and Texas who resisted these public health measures, saying in April—again, falsely—that “the worst days of the pandemic are behind us” and ignoring infectious disease experts who warned at the time of a dangerous rebound if safety measures were loosened.

And of course, the rebound came, with cases across the nation rising by 46 percent and deaths increasing by 21 percent in June. The states that followed Trump’s misguidance posted new daily highs and higher percentages of positive tests than those that did not. By early July several hospitals in Texas were full of COVID-19 patients. States had to close up again, at tremendous economic cost. About 31 percent of workers were laid off a second time, following the giant wave of unemployment—more than 30 million people and countless shuttered businesses—that had already decimated the country. At every stage, Trump has rejected the unmistakable lesson that controlling the disease, not downplaying it, is the path to economic reopening and recovery.

Trump repeatedly lied to the public about the deadly threat of the disease, saying it was not a serious concern and “this is like a flu​” when he knew it was more lethal and highly transmissible, according to his taped statements to journalist Bob Woodward. His lies encouraged people to engage in risky behavior, spreading the virus further, and have driven wedges between Americans who take the threat seriously and those who believe Trump’s falsehoods. The White House even produced a memo attacking the expertise of the nation’s leading infectious disease physician, Anthony Fauci, in a despicable attempt to sow further distrust.

Trump’s reaction to America’s worst public health crisis in a century has been to say “I don’t take responsibility at all.” Instead he blamed other countries and his White House predecessor, who left office three years before the pandemic began.

But Trump’s refusal to look at the evidence and act accordingly extends beyond the virus. He has repeatedly tried to get rid of the Affordable Care Act while offering no alternative; comprehensive medical insurance is essential to reduce illness. Trump has proposed billion-dollar cuts to the National Institutes of Health, the National Science Foundation, and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, agencies that increase our scientific knowledge and strengthen us for future challenges. Congress has countermanded his reductions. Yet he keeps trying, slashing programs that would ready us for future pandemics and withdrawing from the World Health Organization. These and other actions increase the risk that new diseases will surprise and devastate us again.

Trump also keeps pushing to eliminate health rules from the Environmental Protection Agency, putting people at more risk for heart and lung disease caused by pollution. He has replaced scientists on agency advisory boards with industry representatives. In his ongoing denial of reality, Trump has hobbled U.S. preparations for climate change, falsely claiming that it does not exist and pulling out of international agreements to mitigate it. The changing climate is already causing a rise in heat-related deaths and an increase in severe storms, wildfires and extreme flooding.

Joe Biden, in contrast, comes prepared with plans to control COVID-19, improve health care, reduce carbon emissions and restore the role of legitimate science in policy making. He solicits expertise and has turned that knowledge into solid policy proposals.

On COVID-19, he states correctly that “it is wrong to talk about ‘choosing’ between our public health and our economy…. If we don’t beat the virus, we will never get back to full economic strength.” Biden plans to ramp up a national testing board, a body that would have the authority to command both public and private resources to supply more tests and get them to all communities. He also wants to establish a Public Health Job Corps of 100,000 people, many of whom have been laid off during the pandemic crisis, to serve as contact tracers and in other health jobs. He will direct the Occupational Health and Safety Administration to enforce workplace safety standards to avoid the kind of deadly outbreaks that have occurred at meat-processing plants and nursing homes. While Trump threatened to withhold money from school districts that did not reopen, regardless of the danger from the virus, Biden wants to spend $34 billion to help schools conduct safe in-person instruction as well as remote learning.

Biden is getting advice on these public health issues from a group that includes David Kessler, epidemiologist, pediatrician and former U.S. Food and Drug Administration chief; Rebecca Katz, immunologist and global health security specialist at Georgetown University; and Ezekiel Emanuel, bioethicist at the University of Pennsylvania. It does not include physicians who believe in aliens and debunked virus therapies, one of whom Trump has called “very respected” and “spectacular.”

Biden has a family and caregiving initiative, recognizing this as key to a sustained public health and economic recovery. His plans include increased salaries for child care workers and construction of new facilities for children because the inability to afford quality care keeps workers out of the economy and places enormous strains on families.

On the environment and climate change, Biden wants to spend $2 trillion on an emissions-free power sector by 2035, build energy-efficient structures and vehicles, push solar and wind power, establish research agencies to develop safe nuclear power and carbon capture technologies, and more. The investment will produce two million jobs for U.S. workers, his campaign claims, and the climate plan will be partly paid by eliminating Trump’s corporate tax cuts. Historically disadvantaged communities in the U.S. will receive 40 percent of these energy and infrastructure benefits.

It is not certain how many of these and his other ambitions Biden will be able to accomplish; much depends on laws to be written and passed by Congress. But he is acutely aware that we must heed the abundant research showing ways to recover from our present crises and successfully cope with future challenges.

Although Trump and his allies have tried to create obstacles that prevent people from casting ballots safely in November, either by mail or in person, it is crucial that we surmount them and vote. It’s time to move Trump out and elect Biden, who has a record of following the data and being guided by science.

What Do Countries With The Best Coronavirus Reponses Have In Common? Women Leaders

Looking for examples of true leadership in a crisis? From Iceland to Taiwan and from Germany to New Zealand, women are stepping up to show the world how to manage a messy patch for our human family. Add in Finland, Iceland and Denmark, and this pandemic is revealing that women have what it takes when the heat rises in our Houses of State. Many will say these are small countries, or islands, or other exceptions. But Germany is large and leading, and the UK is an island with very different outcomes. These leaders are gifting us an attractive alternative way of wielding power. What are they teaching us?


Angela Merkel, the Chancellor of Germany, stood up early and calmly told her countrymen that this was a serious bug that would infect up to 70% of the population. “It’s serious,” she said, “take it seriously.” She did, so they did too. Testing began right from the get go. Germany jumped right over the phases of denial, anger and disingenuousness we’ve seen elsewhere. The country’s numbers are far below its European neighbours, and there are signs they may be able to start loosening restrictions relatively soon.


Among the first and the fastest moves was Tsai Ing-wen’s in Taiwan. Back in January, at the first sign of a new illness, she introduced 124 measures to block the spread, without having to resort to the lockdowns that have become common elsewhere. She is now sending 10 million face masks to the US and Europe. Ing-wen managed what CNN has called “among the world’s best” responses, keeping the epidemic under control, still reporting only six deaths.

Jacinda Ardern in New Zealand was early to lockdown and crystal clear on the maximum level of alert she was putting the country under – and why. She imposed self-isolation on people entering New Zealand astonishingly early, when there were just 6 cases in the whole country, and banned foreigners entirely from entering soon after. Clarity and decisiveness are saving New Zealand from the storm. As of mid-April they have suffered only four deaths, and where other countries talk of lifting restrictions, Ardern is adding to them, making all returning New Zealanders quarantine in designated locations for 14 days.


Iceland, under the leadership of Prime Minister Katrín Jakobsdóttir, is offering free coronavirus testing to all its citizens, and will become a key case study in the true spread and fatality rates of Covid-19. Most countries have limited testing to people with active symptoms. Iceland is going whole hog. In proportion to its population the country has already screened five times as many people as South Korea has, and instituted a thorough tracking system that means they haven’t had to lockdown… or shut schools.

Sanna Marin became the world’s youngest head of state when she was elected last December in Finland. It took a millennial leader to spearhead using social media influencers as key agents in battling the coronavirus crisis. Recognising that not everyone reads the press, they are inviting influencers of any age to spread fact-based information on managing the pandemic.


Norway’s Prime Minister, Erna Solberg, had the innovative idea of using television to talk directly to her country’s children. She was building on the short, 3-minute press conference that Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen had held a couple of days earlier. Solberg held a dedicated press conference where no adults were allowed. She responded to kids’ questions from across the country, taking time to explain why it was OK to feel scared. The originality and obviousness of the idea takes one’s breath away. How many other simple, humane innovations would more female leadership unleash?

Generally, the empathy and care which all of these female leaders have communicated seems to come from an alternate universe than the one we have gotten used to. It’s like their arms are coming out of their videos to hold you close in a heart-felt and loving embrace. Who knew leaders could sound like this? Now we do.

Now, compare these leaders and stories with the strongmen using the crisis to accelerate a terrifying trifecta of authoritarianism: blame-“others”, capture-the-judiciary, demonize-the-journalists, and blanket their country in I-will-never-retire darkness (Trump, Bolsonaro, Obrador, Modi, Duterte, Orban, Putin, Netanyahu…).

There have been years of research timidly suggesting that women’s leadership styles might be different and beneficial. Instead, too many political organisations and companies are still working to get women to behave more like men if they want to lead or succeed. Yet these national leaders are case study sightings of the seven leadership traits men may want to learn from women.

It’s time we recognised it – and elected more of it.

Creator of Dilbert explains why he thinks Trump will win the U.S. presidency in a landslide

By Michael Cavna

SCOTT ADAMS remembers just how the game turned. He was young and improving at chess, but the masterful kid across the board would outmaneuver Adams till the game seemed a runaway. Now, this kid didn’t want to just beat Adams; he wanted to embarrass him. “So after he’d picked away three-fourths of my pieces and I was discouraged,” Adams recounts, “he would offer to turn the board around and play with my pieces.” And then effectively “win” again.

On those occasions, Scott Adams, the creator of “Dilbert,” got insight into the type of personality that loves not only the challenge of game strategy, but also the thrill of overwhelming the competition. It is the sport of meticulously plotted domination.

And that is part of why Adams believes Donald Trump will win the presidency. In a landslide.

[‘The Simpsons’ predicted a Trump presidency 16 years ago. The writer illuminates the reasons]

Adams, in other words, believes that Trump himself has turned the campaign game around. On the stump, the real-estate mogul is not running on the knowledge of his numbers or the dissection of the data. He is running on our emotions, Adams says, and sly appeals to our own human irrationality. Since last August, in fact, when many were calling Trump’s entry a clown candidacy, the “Dilbert” cartoonist was already declaring The Donald a master in the powers of persuasion who would undoubtedly rise in the polls. And last week, Adams began blogging about how Trump can rhetorically dismantle Clinton’s candidacy next.

Adams, mind you, is not endorsing Trump or supporting his politics. (“I don’t think my political views align with anybody,” he tells The Post’s Comic Riffs, “not even another human being.”) And he is not saying that Trump would be the best president. What the Bay Area-based cartoonist recognizes, he says, is the careful art behind Trump’s rhetorical techniques. And The Donald, he says, is playing his competitors like a fiddle — before beating them like a drum.

Most simply put: Adams believes Trump will win because he’s “a master persuader.”

The Manhattan mogul is so deft at the powers of persuasion, Adams believes, that the candidate could have run as a Democrat and, by picking different hot-button issues, still won this presidency. In other words: Trump is such a master linguistic strategist that he could have turned the political chessboard around and still embarrassed the field.

Adams does not claim to be a trained political analyst. His stated credentials in this arena, says Adams — who holds an MBA from UC Berkeley — largely involve being a certified hypnotist and, as a writer and business author, an eternal student in the techniques of persuasive rhetoric. (His self-help memoir is titled “How to Fail at Almost Everything and Still Win Big: Kind of the Story of My Life.”)

“The most important thing when you study hypnosis is that you learn that humans are irrational,” Adams tells Comic Riffs. “Until you understand that, hypnosis is hard to do. … For me, it was this great awakening to understand that humans are deeply irrational, and it’s probably the greatest influence on me in terms of my writing.”

“This was a trick I learned from Bil Keane,” the late creator of “Family Circus,” Adams tells Comic Riffs. “He basically taught me to stop writing for myself, which I realized I had been doing — writing a comic that I wanted to read.”

So Adams pivoted to write more about the workplace, and the budding “Dilbert” in the early ’90s became “about this huge part of people’s lives that was invisible to the rest of the world and about suffering in a hundred different ways.”

“By simply mentioning that world,” Adams says, the comic connected with readers “on an emotional level.”

And isn’t that essentially, in turn, what Trump is doing? He is acknowledging the suffering of some, Adams says, and then appealing emotionally to that.

And he bolsters that approach, Adams says, by “exploiting the business model” like an entrepreneur. In this model, which “the news industry doesn’t have the ability to change … the media doesn’t really have the option of ignoring the most interesting story,” says Adams, contending that Trump “can always be the most interesting story if he has nothing to fear and nothing to lose.”

Having nothing to lose essentially then increases his chance of winning, because it opens up his field of rhetorical play. “Psychology is the only necessary skill for running for president,” writes Adams, adding: “Trump knows psychology.”
Within that context, here is what Candidate Trump is doing to win campaign hearts and minds, according to Scott Adams:

1. Trump knows people are basically irrational.

“If you see voters as rational you’ll be a terrible politician,” Adams writes on his blog. “People are not wired to be rational. Our brains simply evolved to keep us alive. Brains did not evolve to give us truth. Brains merely give us movies in our minds that keeps us sane and motivated. But none of it is rational or true, except maybe sometimes by coincidence.”

2. Knowing that people are irrational, Trump aims to appeal on an emotional level.

“The evidence is that Trump completely ignores reality and rational thinking in favor of emotional appeal,” Adams writes. “Sure, much of what Trump says makes sense to his supporters, but I assure you that is coincidence. Trump says whatever gets him the result he wants. He understands humans as 90-percent irrational and acts accordingly.”

Adams adds: “People vote based on emotion. Period.”

3. By running on emotion, facts don’t matter.

“While his opponents are losing sleep trying to memorize the names of foreign leaders – in case someone asks – Trump knows that is a waste of time … ,” Adams writes. “There are plenty of important facts Trump does not know. But the reason he doesn’t know those facts is – in part – because he knows facts don’t matter. They never have and they never will. So he ignores them.

“Right in front of you.”

And stating numbers that might not quite be facts nevertheless can anchor those numbers, and facts, in your mind.

4. If facts don’t matter, you can’t really be “wrong.”

Trump “doesn’t apologize or correct himself. If you are not trained in persuasion, Trump looks stupid, evil, and maybe crazy,” Adams writes. “If you understand persuasion, Trump is pitch-perfect most of the time. He ignores unnecessary rational thought and objective data and incessantly hammers on what matters (emotio“Did Trump’s involvement in the birther thing confuse you?” Adams goes on to ask. “Were you wondering how Trump could believe Obama was not a citizen? The answer is that Trump never believed anything about Obama’s place of birth. The facts were irrelevant, so he ignored them while finding a place in the hearts of conservatives. For later.

“This is later. He plans ahead.”

5. With fewer facts in play, it’s easier to bend reality.

Steve Jobs famously aimed to create “reality distortion fields” to meet his needs and achieve his ends. Trump employs similar techniques, and apparently can be similarly thin-skinned when his “reality” is challenged. “The Master Persuader will warp reality until he gets what he wants,” writes Adams, noting that Trump is “halfway done” already.

(Among the persuasive techniques that Trump uses to help bend reality, Adams says, are repetition of phrases; “thinking past the sale” so the initial part of his premise is stated as a given; and knowing the appeal of the simplest answer, which relates to the concept of Occam’s razor.)

6. To bend reality, Trump is a master of identity politics — and identity is the strongest persuader.

One way to achieve this is by deploying “linguistic kill shots” that land true, and alter perception through two ways.“Do you think it is a coincidence that Trump called Megyn Kelly a bimbo and then she got a non-bimbo haircut that is … well, Trumpian?” Adams writes. “It doesn’t look like a coincidence to this trained persuader.”

“The best Trump linguistic kill shots,” Adams writes,”have the following qualities: 1. Fresh word that is not generally used in politics; 2. Relates to the physicality of the subject (so you are always reminded).”

Writes Adams: “Identity is always the strongest level of persuasion. The only way to beat it is with dirty tricks or a stronger identity play. … [And] Trump is well on his way to owning the identities of American, Alpha Males, and Women Who Like Alpha Males. Clinton is well on her way to owning the identities of angry women, beta males, immigrants, and disenfranchised minorities.

“If this were poker, which hand looks stronger to you for a national election?”

Donald Trump’s Art of the Fail


In a boardroom on the 26th floor of Trump Tower, in a meeting in the late 1980s in the offices of the Trump Organization, one of Donald Trump’s deputies had had it. Blanche Sprague earlier in the day had learned of the death of a friend in a car wreck, and Trump was berating one of the people seated at the conference table, and so Sprague angrily stood up. “It just became too much,” she said the other day on the phone from New York, “and I said, ‘I can’t take it anymore,’ and I just walked out.”

She regretted it immediately, thinking surely Trump would fire her. Then her phone rang. It was him. She told him she wanted to write letters of apology to the 20 or so people at the meeting.

Don’t, Trump said.

“He said, ‘No, that would hurt you, possibly change you—I don’t want you to do it,’” Sprague said. “He didn’t want to put me in a position of having to be weakened by my mistake.”

Over these last 40 lime-lighted years, Trump has won a lot, but he has lost a lot, too—four corporate bankruptcies, two failed marriages and a vast array of money-squandering business ventures. He lost his signature Trump Shuttle airline to his lenders. His self-branded casinos in Atlantic City struggled consistently to turn profits. In each case, though, he has heeded a form of the advice he gave that day to Sprague: Never acknowledge failure. Never admit defeat.

“He’s probably the greatest self-promoter and self-spinmeister that’s ever lived,” said Harry Hurt III, the author of Lost Tycoon: The Many Lives of Donald J. Trump. “By claiming victory over and over again, it starts to become a self-fulfilling prophecy.”

“He’s been able to create his own reality,” said Wayne Barrett, the author of Trump: The Deals and the Downfall.

“It’s admirable in a way, how he defines himself as succeeding where others see failure,” said Michael D’Antonio, the author of Never Enough: Donald Trump and the Pursuit of Success. “It’s a remarkable performance, and one he’s been giving all his life.”

“Man is the most vicious of all animals,” Trump told People in 1981, “and life is a series of battles ending in victory or defeat.”

Two years after he said that, he bought the New Jersey Generals of the second-rate United States Football League. It got him in Sports Illustrated and on the back page of the New York City tabloids, adding considerably to his fledgling celebrity. Eager to challenge the National Football League, he wanted the USFL to shift its schedule from the spring to the fall. Most of his fellow owners didn’t want that. TV networks weren’t interested in putting the USFL up against the better quality NFL. Trump sued the NFL and its commissioner, saying the NFL was a monopoly, seeking more than $1 billion in damages. Jurors ruled that the NFL essentially was a monopoly but that the USFL was the cause of its own problems. The NFL was ordered to write a check to the USFL … for $3.76. USFL owners had lost more than $150 million. Trump had lost $22 million. The USFL folded in 1986. Many people blamed Trump.


“The sports business is a lousy business,” he told Playboy.

Years later, in an interview with the Buffalo News, he drastically underplayed his role in the decisions that led to the USFL’s demise. “That wasn’t a Trump thing,” he said.

In the late ‘80s, he went on a shopping jag, overpaying for properties with hundreds of millions of dollars borrowed from banks.

He bought for $29-million a 282-foot yacht, which could sleep 52 staff and came with gold doorknobs and a sundeck protected by bulletproof glass. He used it primarily as a trophy. “I’m not even interested in boats,” he told the Chicago Tribune.

He took out a $425 million loan, personally guaranteeing $125 million of it, to buy the Plaza hotel in Manhattan for $407.5 million—the most money ever paid for a hotel—without even doing a careful inspection, according to Gwenda Blair in her book The Trumps. He bought the space for a full-page open letter in the New York Times. “For the first time in my life, I have knowingly made a deal that was not economic—for I can never justify the price I paid, no matter how successful the Plaza becomes.” He said he had purchased “a masterpiece—the Mona Lisa.”

He took out a $400 million loan, personally guaranteeing $100 million of that, to buy the Eastern Air Shuttle for $365 million—even though the company itself had just valued the shuttle at $300 million. Talking to reporters, he compared this, too, to the Mona Lisa. He wanted to decorate the insides of the planes with marble before being told that would make them too heavy to fly.

In 1990, he opened his third casino in Atlantic City, New Jersey—the Trump Taj Mahal joined the Trump Plaza and the Trump Castle—and the launch was chaotic, with underprepared, overburdened staff and malfunctioning slot machines. Trump went on CNN and told Larry King his casino was doing so poorly because his casino was doing so well. The machines, he suggested, simply couldn’t keep up with the demand.

“It would be, like, too much use?” King asked.

“They were virtually on fire,” Trump answered.

But soon it was clear: Trump was more than $3 billion in debt, $900 million of which he had personally guaranteed, and his casinos were struggling, in a city that was struggling, in an economy that was struggling. Trump blamed it on the recession. He blamed it on the invasion of Kuwait by Saddam Hussein, “that madman.” He blamed his employees. In the New York Times, he denigrated the president of one of his casinos, calling him “a Type C personality,” and he said he also was “upset with the people running the Trump Shuttle.” He said the press was “dishonest.” He said people were “jealous.”

Trump’s marriage was crumbling, too, due in part to his infidelity—this was the first of his divorces—but he saw it at least as a publicity victory because the high-profile unraveling made him and his name fixtures on the fronts of well-read tabloids.

“This is great for business,” Trump told John O’Donnell, a president of one of his casinos—not the one with the “Type C personality”—according to a book he wrote later called Trumped! “The way this works is, this’ll bring all the men in,” O’Donnell said Trump told him. “They’re going to want to be with Trump.”

O’Donnell wrote the book after he quit working for Trump. In it, he portrayed Trump as an intemperate, incompetent, self-centered racist. O’Donnell, Trump said, was “a fucking loser.”

In late 1990, in Palm Beach, Florida, banks forced him to hold an auction to get rid of empty, unsold condos in a building of his. Embarrassing? “You know what I think?” he said. “I think there’s something very sophisticated and intelligent about auctions.”

He slipped off the Forbes list of the 400 richest people in the country. After years of angling for higher positions in the rankings—he “constantly calls,” an editor of the magazine told Tim O’Brien for his book, TrumpNation—Trump trashed the publication, calling it “sloppy” and “arbitrary.”

Ultimately, though, the banks gave Trump a break, because they were as tethered to him as he was to them. Trump lost control of the Plaza and the Shuttle—he sold the yacht to a Saudi royal—but the banks loaned him $65 million. They deferred all his payments for three to five years. They put him on an allowance—of $450,000 a month. “It’s a good deal,” Trump told Fortune. In a book he co-wrote that came out that year, titled Surviving at the Top, he said it was “a great victory.”

He also in the book recounted a recent trip to West Point, where he had been “strolling the grounds while talking with some military men,” at which point he came upon a statue of General Douglas MacArthur. He read the inscription of something MacArthur had said: “Your mission remains fixed, determined, inviolable. It is to win wars.”

This made Trump think of himself.

“Just win wars,” he wrote in the book. “The general was talking to soldiers, of course, but I felt that what he said applied to me as well. My main purpose in life is to keep winning.”

The Trump Taj Mahal went bankrupt in 1991.

The Trump Castle and the Trump Plaza went bankrupt in 1992.

Thanks, though, to the gilded, too-big-to-fail reprieve Trump had gotten from the banks, and then loans from his siblings from their inheritances from their father, who had made hundreds of millions of dollars building apartments and homes for middle-class families in Brooklyn and Queens, Trump managed to avoid personal bankruptcy.

He then took his casinos public in the mid-1990s, transferring their debt, hundreds of millions of dollars, to shareholders. He declared it to be “a very good deal.”

In 2000, a Gallup poll ranked Trump as the nation’s most famous businessman, pegging his name recognition just a tick shy of total—98 percent. He toyed with the idea of running for president. He wrote another book. It was called The America We Deserve.

Trump Hotels and Casino Resorts kept not making a profit—it hadn’t in 1995, or 1996, or 1997, or 1998, or 1999, and it didn’t in 2000, and 2001, and 2002, and 2003—and in 2004, corporate bankruptcy loomed again.

In March, he told the New York Times he had a limited role, and that he was but “a major shareholder.”
“This has nothing to do with me,” he said.

In July, after another alarming quarterly report, Trump tried to drown out that news by announcing his intention to erect “the tallest building in Las Vegas.” (Trump Hotel Las Vegas, not the tallest building in Las Vegas, actually was built—four years later.) In August, when the company decided to file for bankruptcy, Trump issued a press release touting a new line of Trump-branded suits.
The banks negotiated with Trump and his representatives to restructure debt and reorganize the company, and here there were echoes of the early 1990s: Trump emerged relatively unscathed, retaining the title of chairman, plus an annual salary of $2 million, with a three-year contract assuring that “Mr. Trump shall not be required to devote any fixed amount of time to the performance of his duties,” according to the Atlantic City Press.

“I don’t think it’s a failure,” Trump told an Associated Press reporter. “It’s a success.”
“Somehow the B-word never caught on very well in this country,” he said to O’Brien, referring to bankruptcy. “But the smartest people in the country call me and say, ‘How the fuck did you pull that off?’”

Out came another book. This one? How to Get Rich.

“If I ever had a weak company that I wanted to make look strong, I’d hire Donald,” Alan Marcus, a business consultant who ran Trump’s public relations from 1994 to 2000, told O’Brien for TrumpNation. “Everything that fails he spins into victory.”

Trump sued O’Brien, calling him “a terrible writer,” for $5 billion—for damaging his brand because O’Brien’s reporting showed Trump to be a millionaire, not a billionaire. In a deposition, Trump admitted that he exaggerated. “I think everybody does,” he said. The judge dismissed the suit.
In 2009, Trump Entertainment Resorts—formerly Trump Hotels and Casino Resorts—filed for bankruptcy, again.

And in 2011, engaged in what had become one of his cyclical, headline-generating flirtations with the presidency, Trump publicly pestered President Barack Obama so much about whether or not he was born in the United States that the White House released his long-form birth certificate. It showed, of course, that Obama had been born in Hawaii, not Kenya. Egg on his face? Trump crowed that he had been the first person to get Obama to give up the document.

“I am very proud of myself,” he told reporters.

By this time, he was seven years into his run as the star of The Apprentice, the reality TV ratings hit, a show that let him play a better, more edited, less complicated version of himself, and without which he could not have mounted a presidential bid that can only be described at this juncture as a startling success.

Even though his record is riddled with defeat.

Last August, in the first Republican debate, way back when everybody thought they knew how this would go, Chris Wallace of Fox News asked Trump a question.

“Mr. Trump,” Wallace said. “You talk a lot about how you are the person on this stage to grow the economy. I want to ask you about your business records. … Trump corporations, casinos and hotels, have declared bankruptcy four times over the last quarter-century. … Question, sir: With that record, why should we trust you to run the nation’s business?”

Trump was ready. He had been asked this before. In 2011, for instance, it came up on ABC’s This Week.

“I never went bankrupt,” he had said then. He never went bankrupt—his companies, though, filed for Chapter 11, the chapter of the bankruptcy code that lets debtors reorganize and restructure in an effort to save a company instead of shutter it. That’s what Trump has done four times. He has used Twitter, too, to stress the distinction. “I never went bankrupt,” he has tweeted over and over.

“Dopey,” he once tweeted at a person with 42 followers, “I never filed for bankruptcy.” So on Fox News, from the debate stage in Cleveland, he unleashed.

“Because,” Trump told Wallace, “I have used the laws of this country, just like the greatest people that you read about every day in business have used the laws of this country, the chapter laws, to do a great job for my company, for myself, for my employees, for my family, et cetera.

“I have never gone bankrupt, by the way,” he said. “I have never.”

Wallace pressed.

Trump talked over him, using his characteristic verbal stop sign. “Excuse me, excuse me …”
“That’s your line,” Wallace said, “but your companies have gone bankrupt.”

“Excuse me …”

Wallace kept trying. “Sir,” he said, “let’s just talk about the latest example, which is Trump Entertainment Resorts, which went bankrupt in 2009. In that case alone, lenders to your company lost over $1 billion, and 1,100 people were laid off.”

“Well, I—,” Trump said.

“Is that the way you’d run our country?” Wallace asked.

“Let me just tell you about the lenders,” Trump said. “First of all, these lenders aren’t babies. These are total killers. These are not the nice, sweet little people that you think, okay? You know, I mean, you’re living in a world of the make believe, Chris, you want to know the truth. And I had the good sense to leave Atlantic City—which, by the way, Caesars just went bankrupt.” He motioned toward Chris Christie, his fellow candidate for president, the governor of New Jersey. “Every company—Chris can tell you—every company virtually in Atlantic City went bankrupt. Every company. And let me just tell you. I had the good sense, and I’ve gotten a lot of credit in the financial pages—several years ago I left Atlantic City before it totally cratered, and I made a lot of money in Atlantic City. And I’m very proud of it. I want to tell you that. Very, very proud of it.”

The crowd in Cleveland laughed and clapped and cheered.

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